THE CONSERVATIVE RIGHT
Throughout the Dreyfus Affair, the role of the those to the right of the political spectrum was an important one. During the last half of the 19th century, those on the right consisted of, but were not exclusive to, rural aristocrats, extremely wealthy bourgeoisie, zealous nationalists, both virulent and casual anti-Semites, and monarchists. The ideas they represented were anti-democratic, anti-parlementaire, anti-intellectual, and hostile to reason. (Shirer, 91) What was also important about the right was the fact that, for the most part, they lacked definitive leadership, and instead became maintainers of bitter resentment. (Shirer, 92) Since the Third Republic had been conceived, in the interest of political survival, many reactionaries and conservatives began their association with moderate Republicans. Those who either failed to shed their previous politics, or chose not to, were often times replaced by Republicans in the civil service and the judiciary. An immensely important area that was for the most part spared this conservative purge, was the Army.
Since the start of the Third Republic, the right experienced a steady political decline. The Sixteenth of May Affair and the Boulanger episode were both clear blows to conservatives, but their power was still felt, especially in the countryside. But beyond their own discrediting scandals, there was also the notion that such conservatives were out of step with the French nation. To put it another way, they were out of vogue, and were instead viewed, progressively speaking, as a step back, instead of forward. (de la Gorce, 23) This idea would cost the conservatives in the Chamber of Deputies, but not with the people at large, where many of their interests found immense, and often zealous support.
One was their embrace of nationalism and foreign belligerence. Towards the end of the Franco-Prussian War, it was the Right who advocated peace with Germany, and the Left, epitomized by the Paris Commune, who refused to admit defeat. From the establishment of the Third Republic through the last quarter of the 19th century, the left tended to take a comprising stance on foreign policy, especially in relations with Germany, and discarded calls for la revanche. The right, however, did the complete opposite, and found much of their support by appealing to the heightened sense of nationalism, much of which found its origin from the humiliation of 1870, and the Republic’s continued subservience to their looming German neighbor.
Hertz, in Nationalism in History and Politics described why nationalism, especially after 1870, became such a powerful influence on the French people:
The typical nationalist attitude, is to assume that national power and prestige are the best keys to all the treasures of the world, and that a strong State alone can solve the social problems and secure the best possible conditions for the development of national civilizations. (Weber, 201)
The rise of Boulangism was a testament to the popularity of such a nationalism and belligerence towards Germany. The compromising foreign policy among Gambetta’s Republican disciples, such as Jules Ferry, and Jules Meline, contributed to Boulanger’s popularity, especially among the nationalist Radicals. (Weber, 194) The call for revanche resonated with the population at large, further adding to Boulanger’s support.
In addition to nationalism, Catholicism became an increasingly important element of the Right. Eugen Weber describes this trend in My France, saying that the "Nobility had moved through Royalism to Catholicism, the defence of the Church having proved a better proposition than the restoration of the monarchy." (Weber, 189) Catholicism, despite the increased anti-clericalism of the Third Republic, continued to be a cornerstone for much of the rural population, and the unrepentant bourgeoisie. But among much of the French population, Catholicism alone could not bring about concerted, pro-clerical organization. Anti-Semitism, as Zola contends, would soon become the instrument that many Catholics would use to win back popular support, in an atmosphere especially ripe for such intolerance to be fomented. (Weber, 289)
Another important characteristic of the Right was their loss of political influence and undeniable decline, thereby putting them on the defensive. A new political elite, consisting of middle and petit bourgeoisie, were sincerely Republican and secular. They hailed from both urban and rural areas, and were composed of doctors, lawyers, professors and modest landowners. (Bredin, 34) The rural aristocrats and extremely wealthy bourgeoisie were not only against their principles, but were left with only so many channels to combat them. The very influential press and the Army became two such channels, and both of these entities proved to be very important throughout the progression of the Dreyfus Affair.
Needless to say, the characteristics of the Dreyfus Affair would find much of their origins along the inclinations of the Right. Much of their interests had been vested with the Army, which would in essence be put on trial along with Dreyfus, Esterhazy, and Zola. The Affair also brought to question what place such zealous nationalism, clericalism, and anti-Semitism had in the Third Republic, and after the Henry suicide in 1898, many conservatives found themselves on the wrong side of what was in the best interests for the French nation.
